Argument structure and the eventive-stative alternation in extent verbs

This study focuses on a group of so-called extent verbs (Gawron 2009) in Spanish (cf. rodear 'surround', cubrir 'cover', or bordear 'border') that show an alternation between an eventive and a stative reading, related to an argument structure alternation: they are event...

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Autores: Gibert Sotelo, Elisabeth, Marín, Rafael
Tipo de recurso: artículo
Estado:Versión publicada
Fecha de publicación:2024
País:España
Institución:Varias* (Consorci de Biblioteques Universitáries de Catalunya, Centre de Serveis Científics i Acadèmics de Catalunya)
Repositorio:Recercat. Dipósit de la Recerca de Catalunya
OAI Identifier:oai:recercat.cat:10256/26337
Acceso en línea:http://hdl.handle.net/10256/26337
Access Level:acceso abierto
Palabra clave:Gramàtica comparada i general -- Verb
Grammar, Comparative and general -- Verb
Castellà -- Verb
Spanish language -- Verb
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spelling Argument structure and the eventive-stative alternation in extent verbsGibert Sotelo, ElisabethMarín, RafaelGramàtica comparada i general -- VerbGrammar, Comparative and general -- VerbCastellà -- VerbSpanish language -- VerbThis study focuses on a group of so-called extent verbs (Gawron 2009) in Spanish (cf. rodear 'surround', cubrir 'cover', or bordear 'border') that show an alternation between an eventive and a stative reading, related to an argument structure alternation: they are eventive with Initiator subjects (i.e., Agents or Causers), but stative with non-Initiator subjects. As we demonstrate, the eventive version has a composite denotation, including a change of state and a subsequent (target) state (Kratzer 2000). The stative version, in turn, describes a state that corresponds to the target state included in the denotation of the eventive version. We offer a non-derivational account of this alternation following Ramchand's (2018) neo-constructionist approach to argument/event structure. Based on a series of diagnostics, we claim that extent verbs can be associated with two different structural configurations that are clearly connected: one which lacks the subeventive projections that introduce causativity (Init) and eventivity (Proc), expressing a non-causative state (State) that extends along a delimited path (Path + Place); and one which, in addition to this stative component, also conveys causation and eventivity (Init + Proc), giving rise to a telic change of state. In both cases, the external argument is licensed by a dedicated projection (Evt), but it is configurationally interpreted, in the former case, as the entity that ensures that the state holds and, in the latter, as an Initiator. The proposal has theoretical implications regarding (non-)agentivity, causativity, the locus of the external argument, and the availability of verbal and adjectival passivesThe first author acknowledges support from the Serra Húnter Programme (Generalitat de Catalunya) and the research projects PID2022-136610NB-I00 and PID2021-123617NB-C42 (MICIU/AEI/10.13039/501100011033 and ERDF/EU)Ubiquity PressAgencia Estatal de Investigación2024info:eu-repo/semantics/articleinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersionpeer-reviewed44 p.application/pdfhttp://hdl.handle.net/10256/26337http://hdl.handle.net/10256/26337Glossa-a Journal of General Linguistics, 2024, vol. 9, núm. 1, p. 1-44Gibert Sotelo, Elisabeth Marín, Rafael 2024 Argument structure and the eventive-stative alternation in extent verbs Glossa-a Journal Of General Linguistics 9 1 1 44reponame:Recercat. Dipósit de la Recerca de Catalunyainstname:Varias* (Consorci de Biblioteques Universitáries de Catalunya, Centre de Serveis Científics i Acadèmics de Catalunya)Inglésinfo:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/doi/10.16995/glossa.9522info:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/issn/2397-1835info:eu-repo/grantAgreement/AEI/Plan Estatal de Investigación Científica y Técnica y de Innovación 2021-2023/PID2021-123617NB-C42Reconeixement 4.0 Internacionalhttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessoai:recercat.cat:10256/263372026-05-29T05:05:01Z
dc.title.none.fl_str_mv Argument structure and the eventive-stative alternation in extent verbs
title Argument structure and the eventive-stative alternation in extent verbs
spellingShingle Argument structure and the eventive-stative alternation in extent verbs
Gibert Sotelo, Elisabeth
Gramàtica comparada i general -- Verb
Grammar, Comparative and general -- Verb
Castellà -- Verb
Spanish language -- Verb
title_short Argument structure and the eventive-stative alternation in extent verbs
title_full Argument structure and the eventive-stative alternation in extent verbs
title_fullStr Argument structure and the eventive-stative alternation in extent verbs
title_full_unstemmed Argument structure and the eventive-stative alternation in extent verbs
title_sort Argument structure and the eventive-stative alternation in extent verbs
dc.creator.none.fl_str_mv Gibert Sotelo, Elisabeth
Marín, Rafael
author Gibert Sotelo, Elisabeth
author_facet Gibert Sotelo, Elisabeth
Marín, Rafael
author_role author
author2 Marín, Rafael
author2_role author
dc.contributor.none.fl_str_mv Agencia Estatal de Investigación
dc.subject.none.fl_str_mv Gramàtica comparada i general -- Verb
Grammar, Comparative and general -- Verb
Castellà -- Verb
Spanish language -- Verb
topic Gramàtica comparada i general -- Verb
Grammar, Comparative and general -- Verb
Castellà -- Verb
Spanish language -- Verb
description This study focuses on a group of so-called extent verbs (Gawron 2009) in Spanish (cf. rodear 'surround', cubrir 'cover', or bordear 'border') that show an alternation between an eventive and a stative reading, related to an argument structure alternation: they are eventive with Initiator subjects (i.e., Agents or Causers), but stative with non-Initiator subjects. As we demonstrate, the eventive version has a composite denotation, including a change of state and a subsequent (target) state (Kratzer 2000). The stative version, in turn, describes a state that corresponds to the target state included in the denotation of the eventive version. We offer a non-derivational account of this alternation following Ramchand's (2018) neo-constructionist approach to argument/event structure. Based on a series of diagnostics, we claim that extent verbs can be associated with two different structural configurations that are clearly connected: one which lacks the subeventive projections that introduce causativity (Init) and eventivity (Proc), expressing a non-causative state (State) that extends along a delimited path (Path + Place); and one which, in addition to this stative component, also conveys causation and eventivity (Init + Proc), giving rise to a telic change of state. In both cases, the external argument is licensed by a dedicated projection (Evt), but it is configurationally interpreted, in the former case, as the entity that ensures that the state holds and, in the latter, as an Initiator. The proposal has theoretical implications regarding (non-)agentivity, causativity, the locus of the external argument, and the availability of verbal and adjectival passives
publishDate 2024
dc.date.none.fl_str_mv 2024
dc.type.none.fl_str_mv info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
peer-reviewed
format article
status_str publishedVersion
dc.identifier.none.fl_str_mv http://hdl.handle.net/10256/26337
http://hdl.handle.net/10256/26337
url http://hdl.handle.net/10256/26337
dc.language.none.fl_str_mv Inglés
language_invalid_str_mv Inglés
dc.relation.none.fl_str_mv info:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/doi/10.16995/glossa.9522
info:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/issn/2397-1835
info:eu-repo/grantAgreement/AEI/Plan Estatal de Investigación Científica y Técnica y de Innovación 2021-2023/PID2021-123617NB-C42
dc.rights.none.fl_str_mv Reconeixement 4.0 Internacional
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
rights_invalid_str_mv Reconeixement 4.0 Internacional
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0
eu_rights_str_mv openAccess
dc.format.none.fl_str_mv 44 p.
application/pdf
dc.publisher.none.fl_str_mv Ubiquity Press
publisher.none.fl_str_mv Ubiquity Press
dc.source.none.fl_str_mv Glossa-a Journal of General Linguistics, 2024, vol. 9, núm. 1, p. 1-44
Gibert Sotelo, Elisabeth Marín, Rafael 2024 Argument structure and the eventive-stative alternation in extent verbs Glossa-a Journal Of General Linguistics 9 1 1 44
reponame:Recercat. Dipósit de la Recerca de Catalunya
instname:Varias* (Consorci de Biblioteques Universitáries de Catalunya, Centre de Serveis Científics i Acadèmics de Catalunya)
instname_str Varias* (Consorci de Biblioteques Universitáries de Catalunya, Centre de Serveis Científics i Acadèmics de Catalunya)
reponame_str Recercat. Dipósit de la Recerca de Catalunya
collection Recercat. Dipósit de la Recerca de Catalunya
repository.name.fl_str_mv
repository.mail.fl_str_mv
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