The morphosyntactic structure of number in Italian and Albanian
I adopt the view that there are two number positions, including a lower Class position also hosting gender and a higher Num position. Italian -a plurals and Albanian neuters are associated with a cluster of properties often thought to characterize low plurals: application to a restricted set of lexi...
| Autor: | |
|---|---|
| Tipo de documento: | artigo |
| Data de publicação: | 2020 |
| País: | España |
| Recursos: | Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona |
| Repositório: | Dipòsit Digital de Documents de la UAB |
| Idioma: | inglês |
| OAI Identifier: | oai:ddd.uab.cat:235022 |
| Acesso em linha: | https://ddd.uab.cat/record/235022 https://dx.doi.org/urn:doi:10.5565/rev/catjl.319 |
| Access Level: | Acceso aberto |
| Palavra-chave: | Number Plural Mass Gender Neuter Agreement Nombre Massa Gènere Neutre Concordança |
| Resumo: | I adopt the view that there are two number positions, including a lower Class position also hosting gender and a higher Num position. Italian -a plurals and Albanian neuters are associated with a cluster of properties often thought to characterize low plurals: application to a restricted set of lexical bases, meaning idiosyncrasies, association with (feminine) gender and agreement in the singular with the finite verb. Current analyses associate count Ns (both singular and plural) with a specialized node while treating mass Ns as default. I argue that mass Ns are associated with a specialized feature [aggr] (Albanian neuter) - and that a divisibility feature [part] for plural can attach to both count and mass bases (Italian -a). The properties of low number depend on the properties of the Class position, including the fact that it is low enough to select gender and also to combine with a different Num, yielding mixed agreement. |
|---|