Stativity in the causative alternation? New questions and a new variant
This paper discusses whether capacity to license an internal argument and eventivity are default properties of so-called change-of-state verbs.I draw attention to the claim that, in certain languages, the causative-inchoative alternation extends to a third, external-argument only variant with stativ...
| Autor: | |
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| Tipo de recurso: | artículo |
| Estado: | Versión publicada |
| Fecha de publicación: | 2019 |
| País: | Argentina |
| Institución: | Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas |
| Repositorio: | CONICET Digital (CONICET) |
| Idioma: | inglés |
| OAI Identifier: | oai:ri.conicet.gov.ar:11336/114364 |
| Acceso en línea: | http://hdl.handle.net/11336/114364 |
| Access Level: | acceso abierto |
| Palabra clave: | UNERGATIVITY INCHOATIVITY TRANSITIVITY CAUSATIVITY ALTERNATION https://purl.org/becyt/ford/6.2 https://purl.org/becyt/ford/6 |
| Sumario: | This paper discusses whether capacity to license an internal argument and eventivity are default properties of so-called change-of-state verbs.I draw attention to the claim that, in certain languages, the causative-inchoative alternation extends to a third, external-argument only variant with stative behavior. This variant presents a problem for current generalizations on the Causative Alternation and change-of-state verbs for various reasons, starting from the long-held claim that unique arguments of change-of-state verbs are by default internal. As the causative componentis independently realized in a noneventive, nonepisodic frame, this variant challenges: (a) a widely-agreed rule of event composition, whereby cause, if present, causally implicatesprocess; (b) the claim that CAUSE(R) interpretation of the external argument is a byproduct of transitivization. The discussion: (a) brings out a crosslanguage contrast bearing on default (CAUSE/UNDERGOER) interpretation of unique arguments in equipollent alternations; (b) provides new empirical data supporting the stativity of the (causative) outer v; (c) substantiates important predictions in the literature (e.g. verbs of causation should have stative readings; external-argument-only variants of Object-Experiencer verbs should be found); (d) captures further verb classes allowing the alternation; (e) shows crucial contrasts with other transitive-(in/a)transitive alternations involving null/arb objects. |
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