Generalized Implicatures in Spanish: An experimental approach
Generalized conversational implicatures (GCIS) are a type of pragmatic inference characterized by a derivation following certain regularities and is relative independent from the context (Grice, 1989). There are two processing models on this phenomenon, from a cognitive perspective (Noveck Reboul, 2...
| Autores: | , , |
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| Tipo de recurso: | artículo |
| Estado: | Versión publicada |
| Fecha de publicación: | 2020 |
| País: | México |
| Institución: | UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL AUTÓNOMA DE MÉXICO |
| Repositorio: | Estudios de Lingüística Aplicada |
| Idioma: | español |
| OAI Identifier: | oai:ela.enallt.unam.mx:article/850 |
| Acceso en línea: | https://ela.enallt.unam.mx/index.php/ela/article/view/850 |
| Access Level: | acceso abierto |
| Palabra clave: | existential quantifier; scalar implicatures; acceptability judgments; reading times; experimental pragmatics Lingüística; Psicolingüística; Pragmática cuantificador existencial; implicaturas escalares; juicios de aceptabilidad; tiempos de lectura; pragmática experimental |
| Sumario: | Generalized conversational implicatures (GCIS) are a type of pragmatic inference characterized by a derivation following certain regularities and is relative independent from the context (Grice, 1989). There are two processing models on this phenomenon, from a cognitive perspective (Noveck Reboul, 2008): 1) the default processing model (Levinson, 2000) states that the pragmatic meaning of GCIS is processed automatically and that contextual assumptions are used in later stages; 2) the guided-by-context model (Sperber Wilson, 1995) stems from that contextual assumptions are integrated in early stages to prompt the derivation process. Several experimental studies have tested the hypotheses of these models (Bezuidenhout Cutting, 2002; Breheny, Katsos Williams, 2006). Nevertheless, they have arrived to opposite results using the same methodologies. This paper reports the results of an acceptability judgment experiment that uses the scalar implicature triggered by the existential quantifier algunos (closely related to some in English) (Horn, 1984). The results suggest that the context that precedes the implicature is integrated to the derivation process in a later stage, in line with the predictions of the default model. |
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