Obviación y control en los complementos de subjuntivo e infinitivo
The controlled and obviative reference of a subject pronoun in an infinitive or subjunctive complemen t is described in terms of Binding principles A and B; respectively. Hestvik's (1992) LF-movement of pronouns and reflexives to define their binding domain; together with Lujan's (1994) an...
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| Tipo de recurso: | artículo |
| Estado: | Versión publicada |
| Fecha de publicación: | 2016 |
| País: | México |
| Institución: | UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL AUTÓNOMA DE MÉXICO |
| Repositorio: | Estudios de Lingüística Aplicada |
| Idioma: | español |
| OAI Identifier: | oai:ela.enallt.unam.mx:article/295 |
| Acceso en línea: | https://ela.enallt.unam.mx/index.php/ela/article/view/295 |
| Access Level: | acceso abierto |
| Palabra clave: | Descriptive linguistics, Spanish, Pronoun, Subjunctive, Complement – obviation Lingüística descriptiva, Español, Subjuntivo, Infinitivo, Pronombre, Obviación en el complemento |
| Sumario: | The controlled and obviative reference of a subject pronoun in an infinitive or subjunctive complemen t is described in terms of Binding principles A and B; respectively. Hestvik's (1992) LF-movement of pronouns and reflexives to define their binding domain; together with Lujan's (1994) analysis of CP's Case-marking and the Case locus distinction ‘SPEC vs. Head'; allow a Move-a account of Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) which uniformly characterizes control and obviation as ECM structures at LF. Control or obviation result when a CP's subject pronoun LF-moves out of its CP domain/landing in a position Case-marked 'OBJ' or ACC' by a matrix V. Its co-indexing or contra-indexing depend on whether the pronoun is identified as reflexive or irreflexive by local (null/overt) agreement. The account predicts the absence of obviation in subjunctive complements not involving ECM structures; while it also derives the Subject vs. Object control difference with double object verbs; such as promise and permit. |
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