An intervention account of the distribution of main clause phenomena: Evidence from ellipsis
Based on an examination of some asymmetries between VP ellipsis and VP fronting, this paper argues for an intervention approach and against a truncation approach to the distribution of main clause phenomena in adverbial clauses and, by extension, in non-root contexts in general. Adopting Authier’s (...
| Autores: | , |
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| Tipo de recurso: | artículo |
| Estado: | Versión publicada |
| Fecha de publicación: | 2012 |
| País: | España |
| Institución: | Universidad de Sevilla (US) |
| Repositorio: | idUS. Depósito de Investigación de la Universidad de Sevilla |
| OAI Identifier: | oai:idus.us.es:11441/72668 |
| Acceso en línea: | https://hdl.handle.net/11441/72668 |
| Access Level: | acceso abierto |
| Palabra clave: | Main clause phenomena VP ellipsis VP fronting Repair by ellipsis Truncation Left periphery Intervention Adverbial clauses Fenómenos de cláusula principal Elipsis en el SV Anteposición del SV Reparación por elipsis Truncamiento Periferia izquierda Intervención Cláusulas adverbiales Fenómenos de orações raíz Elipse de VP Fronteamento de VP Reconstrução por elipse Truncamento Periferia esquerda Intervenção Orações adverbiais |
| Sumario: | Based on an examination of some asymmetries between VP ellipsis and VP fronting, this paper argues for an intervention approach and against a truncation approach to the distribution of main clause phenomena in adverbial clauses and, by extension, in non-root contexts in general. Adopting Authier’s (2011) treatment of VP ellipsis whereby the to-be-elided VP undergoes fronting in the computational component but fails to be spelled out at PF, these asymmetries follow from the fact that a fronted VP, being an intervener for wh-movement in adverbial clauses, triggers a PF crash unless ellipsis allows the derivation to converge via Bošković’s (2011) ‘rescue by PF deletion’ mechanism. This proposal entails that adverbial clauses are derived by wh-movement (Haegeman (2006) among others) and that the landing site for VP fronting is available in a non-root environment, two assumptions that militate against a truncation account of non-root clauses. |
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