Mean voter representation and partisan constituency representation: Do parties respond to the mean voter position or to their supporters?
Do political parties respond to shifts in the preferences of their supporters, which we label the partisan constituency model, or to shifts in the mean voter position (the general electorate model)? Cross-national analyses — based on observations from Eurobarometer surveys and parties’ policy progra...
| Autores: | , , , |
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| Tipo de recurso: | artículo |
| Fecha de publicación: | 2010 |
| País: | España |
| Institución: | IE |
| Repositorio: | Repositorio IE |
| OAI Identifier: | oai:repositorio.ie.edu:20.500.14417/4063 |
| Acceso en línea: | https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068810372100 https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14417/4063 https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1354068810372100 |
| Access Level: | acceso abierto |
| Palabra clave: | ODS 10 - Reducción de las desigualdades ODS 16 - Paz, justicia e instituciones sólidas |
| Sumario: | Do political parties respond to shifts in the preferences of their supporters, which we label the partisan constituency model, or to shifts in the mean voter position (the general electorate model)? Cross-national analyses — based on observations from Eurobarometer surveys and parties’ policy programmes in 15 countries from 1973 to 2002 — suggest that the general electorate model characterizes the policy shifts of mainstream parties. Alternatively, when we analyse the policy shifts of Communist, Green and extreme Nationalist parties (i.e. ‘niche’ parties), we find that these parties respond to shifts in the mean position of their supporters. The findings have implications for spatial theories and political representation. |
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