Public International Law and the Catalan Secession Process
This article briefy identifes the aspects of public international law related to the Catalan secession process, bearing in mind that Spain is a constitutional social and democratic state governed by the rule of law and a member of both the European Union (EU) and the Council of Europe (CoE). Over 6...
| Autores: | , |
|---|---|
| Tipo de recurso: | artículo |
| Estado: | Versión publicada |
| Fecha de publicación: | 2024 |
| País: | España |
| Institución: | Universidad de Barcelona |
| Repositorio: | Dipòsit Digital de la UB |
| OAI Identifier: | oai:diposit.ub.edu:2445/215992 |
| Acceso en línea: | https://hdl.handle.net/2445/215992 |
| Access Level: | acceso abierto |
| Palabra clave: | Procés independentista català, 2010- Dret internacional públic Autodeterminació nacional Catalan independence process, 2010- Public international law National self-determination |
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Public International Law and the Catalan Secession ProcessMateu Torroja, HelenaRemiro Brotóns, AntonioProcés independentista català, 2010-Dret internacional públicAutodeterminació nacionalCatalan independence process, 2010-Public international lawNational self-determinationThis article briefy identifes the aspects of public international law related to the Catalan secession process, bearing in mind that Spain is a constitutional social and democratic state governed by the rule of law and a member of both the European Union (EU) and the Council of Europe (CoE). Over 6 years ago, on 27 October 2017, the regional Catalan Parliament proclaimed the independence of the Autonomous Community of Catalonia. From the start, the most recondite stratum of the Catalan proindependence strategy has consistently invoked international law considerations with no real basis. Here we explain why. First, given the function of state sovereignty (today humanized and, in the context of the EU and CoE, democratized), under international law, these events can only be classifed as a secession process (stricto sensu), that is, a revolutionary act in the constitutional order of the state of Spain with undertones that are far from peaceful. Second, we address the facet of the Catalan pro-secession strategy – typical of populist policies today – consisting of abusing terms and concepts, a language policy that, in our view, was and still is intended to win the minds of both the Catalan population and any other uninformed external observers. Finally, we examine how statehood is acquired under international law and its relationship to the 2017 declaration of Catalan independence and the present-day situation.2024info:eu-repo/semantics/articleinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersionapplication/pdfhttps://hdl.handle.net/2445/215992Articles publicats en revistes (Dret Penal i Criminologia, i Dret Internacional Públic i Relacions Internacional)reponame:Dipòsit Digital de la UBinstname:Universidad de BarcelonaInglésReproducció del document publicat a: https://doi.org/10.1007/s40803-024-00203-w2024, vol. 0123456789, p. 1-32https://doi.org/10.1007/s40803-024-00203-wcc-by (c) Antonio Remiro Brotóns Helena Torroja, 2024http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessoai:diposit.ub.edu:2445/2159922026-05-27T06:46:51Z |
| dc.title.none.fl_str_mv |
Public International Law and the Catalan Secession Process |
| title |
Public International Law and the Catalan Secession Process |
| spellingShingle |
Public International Law and the Catalan Secession Process Mateu Torroja, Helena Procés independentista català, 2010- Dret internacional públic Autodeterminació nacional Catalan independence process, 2010- Public international law National self-determination |
| title_short |
Public International Law and the Catalan Secession Process |
| title_full |
Public International Law and the Catalan Secession Process |
| title_fullStr |
Public International Law and the Catalan Secession Process |
| title_full_unstemmed |
Public International Law and the Catalan Secession Process |
| title_sort |
Public International Law and the Catalan Secession Process |
| dc.creator.none.fl_str_mv |
Mateu Torroja, Helena Remiro Brotóns, Antonio |
| author |
Mateu Torroja, Helena |
| author_facet |
Mateu Torroja, Helena Remiro Brotóns, Antonio |
| author_role |
author |
| author2 |
Remiro Brotóns, Antonio |
| author2_role |
author |
| dc.subject.none.fl_str_mv |
Procés independentista català, 2010- Dret internacional públic Autodeterminació nacional Catalan independence process, 2010- Public international law National self-determination |
| topic |
Procés independentista català, 2010- Dret internacional públic Autodeterminació nacional Catalan independence process, 2010- Public international law National self-determination |
| description |
This article briefy identifes the aspects of public international law related to the Catalan secession process, bearing in mind that Spain is a constitutional social and democratic state governed by the rule of law and a member of both the European Union (EU) and the Council of Europe (CoE). Over 6 years ago, on 27 October 2017, the regional Catalan Parliament proclaimed the independence of the Autonomous Community of Catalonia. From the start, the most recondite stratum of the Catalan proindependence strategy has consistently invoked international law considerations with no real basis. Here we explain why. First, given the function of state sovereignty (today humanized and, in the context of the EU and CoE, democratized), under international law, these events can only be classifed as a secession process (stricto sensu), that is, a revolutionary act in the constitutional order of the state of Spain with undertones that are far from peaceful. Second, we address the facet of the Catalan pro-secession strategy – typical of populist policies today – consisting of abusing terms and concepts, a language policy that, in our view, was and still is intended to win the minds of both the Catalan population and any other uninformed external observers. Finally, we examine how statehood is acquired under international law and its relationship to the 2017 declaration of Catalan independence and the present-day situation. |
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2024 |
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2024 |
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info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion |
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article |
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publishedVersion |
| dc.identifier.none.fl_str_mv |
https://hdl.handle.net/2445/215992 |
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https://hdl.handle.net/2445/215992 |
| dc.language.none.fl_str_mv |
Inglés |
| language_invalid_str_mv |
Inglés |
| dc.relation.none.fl_str_mv |
Reproducció del document publicat a: https://doi.org/10.1007/s40803-024-00203-w 2024, vol. 0123456789, p. 1-32 https://doi.org/10.1007/s40803-024-00203-w |
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cc-by (c) Antonio Remiro Brotóns Helena Torroja, 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess |
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cc-by (c) Antonio Remiro Brotóns Helena Torroja, 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ |
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openAccess |
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application/pdf |
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Articles publicats en revistes (Dret Penal i Criminologia, i Dret Internacional Públic i Relacions Internacional) reponame:Dipòsit Digital de la UB instname:Universidad de Barcelona |
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Universidad de Barcelona |
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Dipòsit Digital de la UB |
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Dipòsit Digital de la UB |
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